Approved For Release 2003109/10 CIA-RDP96-00792ROO0700350001-2
THE SOCIETY FOR PSYCHICAL RESEARCH THE GUARULHOS POLTERGEIST: A REASSESSMENT OF
1, Adam and Eve Mews, London W8 6UG Telephone: 071 937 8984 ANDRADE'S (1984) MONOGRAPH
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The Society for Psychical Research was founded in 1882. Its purpose is to
examine without prejudice or prepossession and in a scientific spirit those
faculties of man, real or supposed, which appear to be inexplicable on any
generally recognized hypothesis, Inquiries about membership should be
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OFFICERS 1989-1990
President
Dr Alan Gauld, M.A., Ph.D.
Vice-Presidents
DrJohn Beloff, B.A., Ph.D. Professor A. J. Ellison, D.Sc. (Eng), C.Eng.
Mrs K. M. Goldney, M.B.E
. Ren6e Haynes, M.A. Mr Andrew MacKenzie
A. T. Orarn, F.C.A., Professor D. J. West, M.D., Litt.D., M.R.C. Psych.
Professor Ian Stevenson, M.D.
Hon. Secretag Ralph Noyes B.Sc.
Hon. Treasurer A. D. Cornell, M.A. Secreta7 Eleanor O'Keeffe
Hono-D, Computer Research Coordinator Betty Markwick, B.Sc.
Honorag Spontaneous Cases Liaison Officerjohn W. Stiles
Ronora?y Education Officer Bernard Carr PhD.
Local Centres and Research CoordinatorJane Henry, B.A.
Editor: John Beloff
by MjcjHA,-ANGi, AmORIM
ABSTRACT
A presentation is made of an RSPK investigation conducted over several years, in
the suburbs of Sdo Paulo, Brazil. A monograph describing the case, and
interpretations of the phenomena, was published in Portuguese by H_ G. Andrade
and his collaborators at the IBPP, in 1984. Based on the phenomena reported
during the interviews of family members and other witnesses, Andrade interprets
the case in terms of discarnate agents and black magic rites. The purpose of the
?
present pages is to describe the Guarulhos poltergeist in some detail, and to explore
an alternative interpretation of the phenomena, one based upon the living ag,@Rt
hypothesis, and related factors, such as religious context, expectancie-sp,-ind
possible personality disorders.
While recently some Western authors,from foreign countries seem to be more
and more interested in 'Brazilian Psi" w@jicthcr from a clinical, anthropological
or research perspective, some local inveseigators are also active in the field. For
50 years H. G. Andrade, director of the Brazilian Institute of Psychobiophysical
Research (IBPP), and his collaborators have dealt primarily with spontaneous
cases like poltergeists. In 1984 lie published an extensive review of a case, taking
place in the Greater Sdo Paulo, in a monograph entitled '0 Poltergeist de
Guarulhos'. Andrade and his collaborators did not witness the RSPK events
themselves but visited the familv 7 times (between 1973 and 1984) and collected
1.
about 6 hours of tapes from various witnesses, some of whom were members of
the family and some not. They also took numerous photographs of damag,@d
objects and people who had been physically attacked. The aim of this paper is to
present this RSPK case, apparently rich in macro-PK events, to the larger
parapsychological community and also to present alternative interpretations of
the reported events. As we sliall see, Andrade opts for a 'spiritist' account; yet the
living agent hypothesis, which lie considers 'a reductionist hypothesis' (p. 69),
may be more parsimonious.
The investigated poltergeist is of special interest on several accounts. First, the
disturbances extended over a period or I I years (a chronological summary will
follow oudining the main events). Second, they seemed to follow part of the
family despite several relocations. Finally the RSPK case involved particularly
draniatic phenomena, like spontaneous fires, apports, possession trances,
apparitions and cut phenomena on furniture and persons.
THE PROTAGONISTS
Nlarcos a plumber, aged 29 years, inhabitant of Guarulhos.
No@mia his 21 year old wife, the -mother of baby Ruth (18
months).
Review Editor: In 11razil, there is a relative abscrict, of the academic, secular parapsychology of North America
Kathleen Wilson Korner and Western Furo), 'in ill all schools of the Catholic Church and the Spiritist
Approved For Release 2003/09/10 CIA-713DR964 For an analysis of this situation, see Hess (1987).
0037-1475/90 $3.00 (0 Society for Psychical Research t93
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Journal of the Societvfor Psychical Resea Approved For Release 2003/09/10 : CIA-RDP96-00792ROO0700350001-2
I rch [Vol. 56, No. 820 July 19901
red, thin, shiny and short as that of a cougar' (p, 4). No@mia, while feeling some
shivers, saw a shadowy form, an animal similar to a gorilla.
Pedro called his
neighbours, Mrs. 'Zina' and her husband, in order to witness the cuts. The
woman was quite skeptical. But as h, was
(ILICStioning No@mia about the
apparition, she saw an enormous hand passing in front of her and she fainted.
She declared having seen in the twinkling of an eye this hairy and dark thing,
dark brown like a monkey fur. She didn't notice any claws but the fingers seemed
quite long to her (pp. 5-@).
During the Stage 2 incidents No@mia perceived, on three occasions, a
wolfhound shape on the wardrobe as she went to sleep while Marcos only felt
some shivers. She also stated having seen a hairy hand trying to se
ize her
husband by his neck (pp- 59-61). In Stage 2 at the same moment as Marcos had
his left arm cut (2 May, 1974) No@mia saw a I
a 'hairy beast,
gorilla, a monkey', s' ike a coug'
Omething horrible with a face in fire and big te ar,
eth (p. 11)).
In Stage 3 she saw once a shape passing in the house towards the bedroo or It was
In where
after this Marcos was hit by a brick as they prayed there (pp
44-46). And in
Stage 4 according to Marcos (pp. 67-68) she started 'to have a dialogue with -the
entity, in the guise Of Satan, of a man, with a totally distorted face, teeth outside,
and throwing fire when fie spoke'. Ruth, clurin@ the period of her fits, also
described havin seen a beast. a cat, a dog (P
9
Raquel (2 years) said she saw a horse (P - 2 1). In Stage 3 she still saw it and
the one the sensitives of the Church ga - 3 7) which description corresponds with
house by reporting the presence of an a ve during an evangelic exorcism in the
62). On another occasion (Stage 2), as P nimal shape 'in the form of a horse' (p.
,on-in-law, he saw'a figure 1.5 In high, edro was praying with his wife and their
but half caste, 'very dark' with a strong thorax, in a not black color,
1 two meters from them (P. 55). Finally Pedro led a
magical struggle' against an invisible assailant (May 1974), one abundantly
described in the monograph (pp
struggle by killing the entity with - 50-56)- He claimed indeed having won this
like state: which Pedro considere an 'imaginary' sword, all this while in a trance-
d to be the management of God Spirit' (p. 55).
(3) Possession-lik, trances be-an in Stage 2, two weeks after the moving of Marcos's
family into their
new house (the second) in C
very scared saving that she was seeing beasts ua,ulhos. At 2 a.m. Ruth woke up
(p- 21). From ' on the wardrobe, a wild cat, a dog
this day on the child would have attacks, once or twice a day. She
would become speechless and her Face would turn Purple. She was taken to a
hospital were an EEG was made, but nothing abnormal was found: no signs of
epilepsv. In Stage 3, Ruth (now four years old) still had her fits; during these he
face, hia'nds and fieet would become twisted. Again she screamed that she ha
seen a dog, a cat (p. 37). Later during Eliza's stay in the f r
amily (September I
she too displayed the Possession symptoms. her eyes and face would se d
ern to
become contorted P 976)
- 38)_ Of interest here@ is that when Ruth was at her
grandmother's home, she had no such fits; similarly, Elza showed no abnormal
behaviour outside Marcos's house (P. 67).
(4) Stoning of the house was the first occurrence of Stage 2. It typically occurred in
the daytime
till 7 or 8 p.m. It consisted
OA'*F'0'4"FOCRO"040@00
The Guarulhos Poltergeist
400 and 700 g. According to Pedro 'the stones didn't seem to be thrown but
dropped on tl@e house'. In February 1975, during this interview, Pedro estimated
that about 20 kg or such materials had been taken off the roof (P
the roof, at approximately
could only perceive the stones when these were over 9). Witnesses
- In
one meter from the tiles; they never actually saw a trajectory of these stones
Stage 3 (11 April, 1975) a fall'of stones began at 11 a.m., consisting of 26
fragments of gravels and bricks of which some (2 or 3) landed on the neighbour's
side. Mrs. Ant6nia, the (catholic) neighbour, thought it was a kid who was
throwing the stones, Marcos 'knew' it was not but didn't want to argue with her
(pp. 33-34). Marcos noted that the intensification of the phenomena coincided
with the detonations of a distant quarry, but the stones were not coming from
stones hitpeople: Marcos was hit as he repaired
there (p. 33). On some occasions
the roof in Stage 2 (p. 11) and on another occasion, while he was in his bedroom
(p. 37); Elza was hit twice, while she was in the house in Stage 3, 28 March, I @3-5
(p. 30). Finally some of the missionaries of the Church, after an 5;w1cism
(October 1976@ in stage 3, were also hit (p. 41). Marcos noted however that these
stonings of people didn't actually hurt anyone (p. 37).
(5) Movements of objects really began in Stage 2 while Marcos's family still lived in
the front house of Guarulhos. After a knock in the wall, pieces of broken cups and
glasses were found on the floor.(p. 18). The phenomenon continued in No8mia's
parents home, where on a wall was 'the mark of a glass broken there in a corner'
(p. 19). In Suzano also (Stage 2) objects were broken or thrown, like a Bible
(p. 22). As stated by Pedro, during the outbreaks they used to read Psalm 91,
then the Bible was removed from its place and was thrown (p. 26). Once (28
March, 1975), as Elza was handing Raquel to NoEmia, a purse left the closed
drawer of the dressing-table in the bedroom and hit the back of the adolescent
(p 30). The same afternoon (at 3 p.m.) the family was in the kitchen prayjng
with their Church Minister, Larnartine Ribeiro and his wife Maria when a glass,
among other cups and glasses, left a basin and crashed near Maria's feet. As the
two guests were going, a Bible placed on a little table, among other books,
'jumped' and rell on the floor (pp. 30-31). In Stage 2 as the disturbances
continued in the new house in Guarulhos, Marcos witnesses his shoe levitate and
forcefully hit the bedroom ceiling stucco where it left a mark and then fell on the
bed; this recurred several times during the night (pp. 21-22). In Stage I the front
door lock broke twice while the key was removed from it (p. 8). At the beginning
of October 1976, as the family returned (8 p.m.) from Marcos's parents home,
during this shortjourney, 'an invisible agent' seemed to pursue them and taunt
them by overturning NoEmila's bag on the floor, pulling Marcos's purse and
throwing it in the sewer. When they arrived home a stoning began while Raquel
screamed (p. 40). After an exorcism (end of Stage 3) as the missionaries walked
out of the house, a glass was thrown, hit the back of one of them and then crashed
on the ground (p. 41). On 20 April, 1975, part of No@mia's family visited her. As
everybody was in the couple's bedroom one of five cups left the next room, went
through the window-people inferred- then hit a bed, jumped below the radio
set and crashed on the floor (pp. 32-33). As stated by Andrade 'breakage of cups
and Oasses coming out ofc1osed cupboards was com .mon. But nobody succeeded
-R @ZWJRQQQJ4M000Wts taken out and damaged. They only heard
CIA PIPAPtp
196
197
Approved For Release 2003/09/10 CIA-RDP96-00792ROO0700350001-2 The Guarulhos Poltergeist
journal of the Socieyfor Psychical Research [Vol. 56, No. 820 July 19901 !
the noise when they fell down and crashed! During prayers such occurrences
were common' (p. 32).
(6) 'APPW-like phenomena seemed to occur during the whole Poltergeist case
Disappearance of money was especially fre
-quent. Once (Stage 1) they found in
its place a piece of paper with a red cross drawn on it (p. 8). Sometimes after a
certain period (the same day or some days later) I
a part of the-'stolen' money or
all of it would reappear (Stage 2) in places hard to get to, following a knock on the
wall (pp. 18, 31-32). At Artur Alvim (Stage 2), money which had been taken was
ostensibly thrown (folded in a paper red on one side and white on the other) on
the floor near the sink in the kitchen where the mother-in-law, the spouse of
Marcos and he himself were present. As Andrade states 'the money was thrown
on the floor or on some furniture, within everybody's sight; but it w.
asn't seen
from where nor how it came' (p
20). In Stage 3 Elza's purse disappeared and
was found some days later at the roadside near the house, with all her documents
but without the money (pp. 42
43). Marcos noted that the money
disappear if he kept it with him in his pocket or at his mother's home (p. 3 didn't
Stage 2 branches of rosemary also appeared (May 1974) in Marc&s j 6). In
pockets and on the window sill (pp. 12 acket
when they moved into their second ho -13). Some months after (August 1974)
plates which had diappe use, Marcos found under the bed some
-are
_d in the first -house; then the polterg ist activity
e
began again (p. 20). In Stage 3 when they first moved into their third hous
e
(September 1975) they found crossed knives and rosemary (the plant) under
their bed and the mattress (pp. 46-49). These Occurrences ceased after the
Church minister's intervention but recommenced two months later. They also
found in the same period lit white candles in their bedroom (pp. 35
-36). This
coincided with the visit Of two women who came twice to bless the house, but
No@mia didn't let them come in the house. Once No@mia saw that one of these
unknown persons had white candles and rosemary in her transparent bag
(pp- 46-49).
ream (p, 44). In Stage 3 (summer 1976) No@mia dreamt one
(8) No@mia's strange d
one of her teeth (an incisor) pulled with the help of her
night about having was really missing. She found it later whole
husband. Next morning her tooth
with half-root red (sic)!
THE PHENOMENA AND ALTERNATIVE
ANDRADE'S INTERPRETATION OF
HYPOTHESES
rrences present in this case as
Andrade interprets the different types Of Occu . The Umbanda
supportive of a spiritist world view in the Umbanda traditionties. it combines
reli I million adherents especially in the bigger ci
gion has severa
African, Catholic, Indian, and spiritist elements and may be characterized as a
relatively recent extra-ecclesiastic consolidation of popular Catholicism with
-Brazi n, 1986;
ancient Afro lian sects. Some authors (Greenfield, 1987; Bronso
Ltly emphasized the importance of this Brazilia
Montagno, 1985) have recen
thin and outside hospitals.
fl,
Spiritist tradition healing practices both wi
, i.e., the e:Zistence
Andrade accepts (p. 63 ... ) the central belief of this religion
of all sorts of spirits like Exus ans Umulums (Pagliuchi, 1974a & 1974b); he also
,q employ magic practices within the
believes that the sorcerer would be ablet
'terreiros' (place specialized in these proc6dures) to trouble someone according
to Quirnbanda laws (black magic side of Umbanda). Thus, he rejects the usual
attribution of RSPK outbreaks to a living agency. In defense of his position he
points to the fact that a psychological examination of NoEmia, the most probable
RSPK agent, was conducted by two psychologists belonging to the IBPP team
y form of psychical abnormality that
He states 'Mrs No@rnia didn't display an 2
couldjustify viewing her as belonging to the psychokinetic agent of a poltergeist'
nformity with the theoretical patterns suggested by the current
category, in co
hypotheses' (p. 70). He adds that his macro-PK tests (which are described
below) of her capacities were also negative (p. 71).
(1) For Andrade there's little doubt that the cutting of people and furniture is
the result of a disruptive discarnate agent able to interact with object .s of our
world (pp. 73-76). This is the only case investigated by the IBPP presenting such
phenomena (Andrade, 1988) but in five of the 116 cases reviewed by Roll (1977)
one or more persons were wounded or slapped by some unknown agency or
stigmata appeared on their bodies' (p. 397).
But let us consider other 'explanations': the first cuts on the furniture
happening in the absence of people could have been the result of fraud, yet have
led to a growing expectancy from the occupants of the house. This expectancy
sed upon apparent PK could, in turn, have led to some genuine PK
ba
henomena-the cutting actually witnessed by people The psychodynamics
p y F -r - --
here would be analogous to the one reported by Batcheldor (1984) and others, in
case of a collective PK agency, whereby the 'fuzziness' of the situation
contributes to the evocation of true paranormal phenomena.
(7) Spontaneous fires also occurred during the polter,
1974) two floor geist events. In Stage 2 (May
-polishers (their own and the neigbbours') ex loded into flames
while No@mia a,djudite were using them. Mar p
circuit (p. 13). While the whole family had Cos stated that it wasn't a short-
G,arulhos, definitely left the first house in
Marcos had left behind some of his belongings. Included among
these were his working tools and materials and a bedside table; these latter
caught fire (Stage 2, n.d.) while nothing belonging to the new occupants had
been touched. They clwmed to t,
ave perceived the fire when Marcos's belongings
were already completely burned (p. 25)
At about the same time, e living in
P dro,
Guainazes, was told by a sensitive that she saw in the bedside table a 'bad
element' (p. 26). The first ctrue' parapyrogenesis (PPG) occurred, during the
family's stay at Artur Alvim, behind a meat safe. It was Marcos's father-in-law
who ran up and extinguished the fire (p. 20)_ Some clothes within!a closed
wardrobe (p. 42, n.d.) also caught fire in that house. In the third Marc'o's's house
in Guarulhos (Stage 3) PPG often occurred behind the wardrobe wh re some
news
papers were kept, which were the fire target (pp. 35 e
.42). -36) near Marcos's tools
(
p
Approved For Release 2003/09/10
2 In a recent letter exchange, Andrade (1989) specified that Dr. Julika Kishos (one of the two
psychologists) used Pfister's projective test, involving ajudgement ofcolor preferences. It is claimed
iat the test, which doesn't demand highly developed verbal skills, gives a 'normative' assessment of
ow
tl
CIA he individual'spersonality. According to Dr. Kiskos 'the patient didn't sh significant personality
E)OWAY30 12 rson in her socio-economico-cultural environment'.
199
198
Journal of the Socie0for Psvchical Research Approved For Release 2003/09/10 CIA-RDP96-00792ROO0700350001-2 The Guarulhos Poltergeist
[Vol. 56, No. 820 July 19901
Thc use of' the Batcheldorian framework seems appropriate for several
reasons:
(a) 'Belief' in psi (or the supernatural), a necessary Psychological condi
Lion, is
present since Pentecostal churches emphasize Spiritual Gifts (charismata) such
as glossolalia, prophetic utterance, healing, etc. (Gentz, 1986). dro)
(b) In Stage 1, some individuals in the Church (including the daughter of Pe
had 'a message from the Holy Spirit' (p. 54) warning of the occurrence of a
4 future
great event' in Pedro's family, in which there would be blood. This itself could
have established an expectancy set (Hastings & Krippner, 1961) for 'bleeding'
events (e.g-, cutting of people in Stage 2).
(c) The absence of an epicentre of the phenomena (a PK
members of the family from I -agent) may bave freed
ownership resistance@ (the relu
oneself as the source of a paranormal event); the protago,is ctance to identify
f the present case
tended to attribute the R@PK events to supern ts 0
intervention. atural (spiritual or magic-related)
The cutting of No@mia could have been either hypnotically
mutilations (Malon et al., 1987) or stigmata. Implicit and exPlic -induced self-
are part of the Batcheldorian framework (Isaacs, 1984) and group hypnosis,
which is expectancy-related, can lead to it suggestions
Stevenson, 1988) .Psychosomatic changes (Azuma &
- As we shall see in item (2) hypnosis may well have played a
role in the present case. And Marcos's cut on his arm, while he was sleeping
(Stage 2), may itself have been caused by No@mia, while she was in a dissociated
state; the fact that she had a vision of a supernatural creature immediately after.
supports this 'dissociative' interpretation.
(2) For Andrade, the apparitions and
v
explanation (pp. 50 isions reinforce the Spiritist
-65). Righ t fi-om the start f tile monograph (p. 4) fie writes
that 'Some (People) saw enormous claws belon
an inhabitant of another dimension@, refer ging to a strange being, perhaps
dimension idea (Rucker, ring to the fashionable fourtb
1984). He uses the idea of lycanth,opy to account for
the transformation of (hese spirit
cougar . s "'to tile witnessed black dogs,
-; Ox"en t1lat tile first descriptions of tile
an Umbandist author he cites (p. 68). How monster coincide with those of
ever lycanthropy-the reputed
ability of certain individuals to take on the external f
been largely demystified by Rawclifre (1959)3 and orn, of a wild aninial - has
discuss the question of the reality and of tile presum Andrade chooses not to
origin of such beliefs (P ably crucial issue of the
- 57). Andrade does refer to the ectoplasmic
Materializati-ons Produced by the 1920's European mediums (pp. 64-65), but
finally opts for the discarnate agent explanation.
'In Africa such beliefs have been turned to hideous advantage bv secret societies. such
secret societies -ere often cannibalistic- they practiced devouring part's of the human anatomy such
as the heart, eNes and liver and the more tender parts of the esh. The trails leading away Ircim the
scene of the crime would be those of a hvena or leopard or fl
crocodile, but after some dista cc the
tracks of human feet would supplant the -
in to leave no doubt that it was the leopard n
men or hyena-
men who had been at work. The terror created by such methods in the minds of the primitive blacks
can well be imagined' (p. 263).
Approved For Release 2003/09/10
From a psycholo(rical C must note that, the apparitions had tile
perspective oil
characteris tics of eidetic imagery" (EI), i.e., they were autonomous, constructive
and dynamic, displaying natural progressions and movement
weren't collectively witnessed (e.g., . The fact that they
Marcos never saw one) points to the
subjective (rather than consensual) nature of the experience.
In the case of No@mia, we can notice that she wShas predisposed to such an event
since at the age of 17 she already experienced it- e indeed often saw a black, big
n her bedside; she would shout ror help from her mother and when the light
dog o
would be turned on there would be nothing. As we have seen this particular
vision recurred during the RSPK events years later (cf. the wolfhound shape on
the wardrobe, Stage 2). Of course in the case of No&mia, these visions seem at
times to have been quite elaborate, as in her dialogue with the 'Satanic creature'
ly underline her proneness to
(Stage 4). However this latter fact could simp
fantasy or dissociation (Marks, 1988). Similarly, Pedro's struggle against t -be*
monster' could have been the result of expectancies, autosugges1win"for
dissociation. It is conceivable that his choice to become an exorcist was
motivated by a dissociative personality syndrome similar to No@mia's.
If in this poltergeist case there reallykwas a sorcery component, as seems
reasonable to suppose (p. 12), then we c@n hypothesize that the sorcerer, via
MOBIA' (Mental or Behavioral Influenc'e of an Agent), contributed to the
triggering of El inthe witnesses' minds. Insofar as eidetic images are evoked by a
thought, suggestion, idea, or memory image (Marks & McKellar, 1982) it seems
plausible to entertain that they could be evoked by a 'psi-based' idea, also
especially when such images are consistent with the culturally shared stereotypes
of the people involved (Evans, 1984). The work of Janet, Richet, Myers and
Vasiliev about telepathic or PK-induced hypnosis (Leloup, 1978) and the
esence of a particular expectancy set are helpful in accounting for such events.
pr
However it would have been interesting to conduct a quantitatiye
investigation of the recurrent apparition (Maher & Schmeidler, 1975) in order to
bring more useful information.
(3) Tile possession symptoms of the children remind Andrade of the
6 (EXU
lnediunlistic 'incorporation' of'spiriLs frequenting 'Quimbanda sessions'
& Umulum). As lie put it'By our personal experience in this field (more than 50
tic sessions), we have strong reasons to support
years of observation in mediumis
such an occurrence' (p. 66). Lack of evidence for epilepsy in the EEG
examination certainly is consistent with the spiritist interpretation. Moreover
the symptorns displayed by the victimized children don't point to a specific
physi,ologically-based neuropathology of spiritual possession (Beyerstein, 1988).
Still, alternative explanations are possible. 1*1 could be that the 'possession
symptoms constitute a culture-bound neurotic disorder, as suggested by Ward &
EI is defined as any mental imagery projected onto the sensory enviromrient which cannot be
attributed to a material change in sensory input and which is known to the imager to be subjective.
The relevant work of Marks & McKellar (1982) applies the concept of El to account for reports of
apparitions collected by Sidgwick, Gurney and Myers.
5 Term suggested b term for 'active-agent telepathy'. He
y Rex G. Stanford (1974) as a new
proposes that the agent can play an active rote in telepathy and that such 'telepathy' is really a form
of psychokinesis. MOBIA is regarded and the most common PMIR function of PK.
CIA-RDPe6pG&792Roo97i9o35ftoinf,a~,ilia,, Umbanda, see Figge (1975).
200 201
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Approved For Release 2003/09/10 : CIA-RDP96-00792ROO0700350001-2
Journal of the Socieyfor Psychical Research
[Vol. 56, No. 820 July 19901
The Guarulhos Poltergeist
ount of the poltergeist phenomena of Eleonoro Zugun. JASPR, 20,
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